Kamis, 20 Desember 2012

Abstrak untuk Seminar Nasional Peran Linguistik dalam Ilmu Kesehatan, Sains & Teknologi, dan Sosial Humaniora



Peran Neurolinguistik dalam Penatalaksanaan Ganguan Bahasa setelah Cerebro Vascular Accident (CVA): Karakterisasi Afasia Agramatik pada Penutur Bahasa Indonesia




Setelah Cerebro Vascular Accident (CVA) atau trauma otak seperti stroke dan operasi untuk membuang tumor, bahasa seseorang dapat terganggu. Gangguan ini lazim disebut afasia dan salah satu jenisnya adalah afasia agramatik. Orang-orang dengan afasia agramatik mengalami kesulitan dengan aspek sintaksis bahasa yang digunakannya.

Walaupun penting sekali untuk mengetahui karakterisasi afasia agramatik di Bahasa Indonesia, terutama untuk tenaga kesehatan yang melakasanakan diagnosis dan terapi, kita belum banyak tahu mengenai aspek-aspek mana dari sintaksis yang terganggu. Penelitian Anjarningsih, Haryadi-Soebadi, Gofir dan Bastiaanse (2012) melihat aspek-aspek jenis kalimat, Mean Length of Utterance (MLU) dalam kata, jenis predikat, partikel sintaktik, morfem derivasional dan infleksional pemarkah akusatif, pengulangan, dan urutan kata. Aspek-aspek ini mempunyai potensi untuk mengkarakterisasi ujaran spontan penutur Bahasa Indonesia dengan agramatik afasia. Pembahasannya pada seminar nasional ini diharapkan akan berguna bagi khalayak yang membutuhkannya.
 

Developing education to create clinical linguists in Indonesia

Currently I am in intensive contact with the staff of College of Allied Educators Indonesia. They are pioneering a polytechnic to create professionals working with children with special needs. One of the departments will be applied linguistics/language pathology. There is where I come in. Besides projected to teach in classes in the department, I am also involved in constructing the curriculum.

Professionally and personally, this is an honor. Not long after getting my doctorate degree, I got this offer. While my current employer did nothing upon my return, except for a short presentation I gave in my study program, this other college saw me, my potential, matched that with what they needed, and proposed to hire me. They also welcomed me to join their clinically-oriented courses for free in order to build my clinical skills. After you rushed to finish to PhD in 3 years, published 2 articles, and wrote a long dissertation, you really feel you need to share what you know to people, who obviously need it.

Let's see where this will take me. Teaching and research are my passion and hopefully I can do them both in the near future. Two articles are obviously not many, yet :)

Standard Indonesian agrammatism: Doctoral dissertation's clinical implications (3)

These results have some clinical implications. They can inform therapists why
certain agrammatic speakers had problems in comprehending sentences
containing time reference. In order to make the results more relevant for speech
and language therapists in Indonesia, it is of interest to assess more SI-speaking
agrammatic speakers who differ in the severity of the aphasia. By sampling more
people, the interaction between severity and comprehension problems can be
better captured and generalized. It is also of interest to test SI-speaking aphasic
speakers from various syndromes in a comparative study. By doing this, it can be
observed whether time reference problems in comprehension is similar across
syndromes and if they differ, what are the fundamental differences. Later, valid
and reliable tests and therapy materials should be developed. Considering the
importance of SI for the more than 200 million Indonesians, speech and language
therapies in SI for aphasic stroke-survivors should be based on careful studies and
this study is a pioneer in that respect.

Standard Indonesian agrammatism: Doctoral dissertation's clinical implications (2)

The main conclusion of the current study is that agrammatic speakers who focus
on lexical information (the verb) do so at the cost of information about the time
frame in which the event takes place, and vice versa.We do not suggest that this
focus is a conscious choice, or that the focus of agrammatic speakers is static.
Bastiaanse (1995), for example, described a woman with agrammatic Broca’s
aphasia who was interviewed about her speech problems and produced a normal
proportion of finite verbs, but the lexical verbs had a low diversity. When the
interview topic switched to the description of her house, she switched to typical
agrammatic speech: the verb diversity increased but the verbs were no longer
inflected as regularly. When she was asked whether she was aware of this switch,
she said she was not. It was obvious that the change of register was unconscious.
From a clinical point of view this is an interesting phenomenon: when the patient
focused on the use of lexical verbs she was much more comprehensible and she
provided much more information. Such variability within aphasic speakers has
been observed more often (Cameron, Wambaugh, and Shannon, 2010). This
implies that focus on the appropriate use of verbs is better than focus on verb
inflection from a communicative point of view. The current study suggests that it
is the expression of the time of the event in combination with the verb is the core
of the problem, rather than verb inflection.

In aphasia therapy, especially in treatment of agrammatic aphasia, the focus is
often on the production of correct and complete sentences. However, considering
the relationship between verb retrieval and specifying the time frame by verb
inflection or aspectual adverbs, speech-language therapists should be very careful
that successful training of correct and complete sentences does not come at the
cost of verb diversity (see Bastiaanse, Hurkmans, & Links, 2006; Links, Hurkmans,
& Bastiaanse, 2010). Rather, speech therapy should focus on the use of lexical
verbs, specifically on the use of a variety of lexical verbs. These are very important
for communication in daily life.

A successful therapy in this respect can be decided after a certain baseline
performance is obtained and is sustained in a certain period of time. Afterwards,
further therapy is conducted which focuses on the production of aspectual
adverbs. An important example of such a therapy is provided by Wieczorek,
Huber, and Darkow (2011) who used a computer program to train the production
of aspectual information. Finally, we think it is appropriate to inform to the
agrammatic speakers about their deficit and to train them to cope with it in an
optimal way. Therefore it should be explicitly mentioned to the agrammatic
speakers that they should focus on verbs and not on grammatical sentences, and
therapy should be adapted to this (see Ruiter, Kolk, and Rietveld, 2010; Springer,
Huber, Schlenck, and Schlenck, 2000).

Standard Indonesian agrammatism: Doctoral dissertation's clinical implications (1)

With the present study, we aimed to find characteristics of SI agrammatic speech
and to provide norms that can be used to evaluate deviant speech. Although the
variables were chosen for a study to agrammatism, most of them can be used to
analyze SI aphasic speech in general, including sample from fluent aphasic
speakers. This study is important in that there is no standardized battery yet to
characterize and diagnose agrammatism in Indonesian. What is now available is a
battery for assessing semantic problems in Malay-speakers with aphasia (Jalil,
Liow, and Keng, 2011).

From a communicative perspective, the current data suggest that the core of the
problem of these agrammatic speakers is the omission of obligatory elements of
the sentence. Derived word order does not seem to be a crucial factor. This
suggests that the focus of treatment of the Broca participants who speak
agrammatically, should be on the explicit production of all relevant information.
This can be trained in several ways, but considering that most aphasic patients are
helped more by learning strategies rather than by relearning language skills,
training focused on the pragmatic consequences of certain linguistic constructions
seems most appropriate to improve agrammatic speech in SI. Several of the
variables that have been used in the current study can be used to measure
improvement. For example, Links, Hurkmans and Bastiaanse (2010) showed that
MLU is a valuable measure for improvement. Similarly, McCall, Virata, Linebarger
and Berndt (2010) found improvement on MLU and percentage of grammatical
clauses and Kirmess and Maher (2010) reported an increase of speech rate after
treatment. Thompson, Choy, Holland, and Cole (2010) reported an improvement
on MLU, speech rate and percentage of grammatical sentences after training,
However, when measuring the results of treatment, one should realize that
agrammatic behavior may vary. It is important to do a complete analysis, not only
on the variables that were trained (Bastiaanse, 1995; Bastiaanse, Hurkmans and
Links, 2006; Cameron, Wambaugh, and Shannon, 2010). We know that
improvement on these variables is of crucial importance. Stark showed that
improvement of telegraphic speech results in better communicative abilities in
daily life (Bastiaanse et al., 2006; Links et al., 2010; Stark 2010).
The variables we used are simple to analyze, and, hence, are easy to use for
speech-language therapists and linguists working with SI speakers with Broca’s
aphasia. Since (limited) norms of NBDs are now available, it is possible to do a
spontaneous speech analysis before and after treatment, to evaluate the results.
However, the variables that we included in this study may not be exhaustive for
characterizing agrammatic SI speech. Furthermore, other methods to elicit
agrammatic speech, such as picture description or repetition may reveal deficits
not apparent in the samples analyzed in the current study. Nevertheless, we
realize that what is still needed is an account of what is normal for all possible
subgroups of SI speakers. With SI as a national language and a lingua franca,
education, professional background, gender, and age influence the language
produced. To control for these factors and to make sure that the aphasic speakers
are not evaluated based on the wrong standard, a database of normal production
from all socioeconomic levels is needed.

Summary of Harwintha's PhD dissertation

Agrammatic aphasia is a complex of language problems that occurs after damage of the language areas of the brain’s left hemisphere. The areas usually are or include Broca’s area (Brodmann Areas 44 and 45). Generally, agrammatic speakers have problems with grammatical features of language in production and comprehension. In experimental production and spontaneous speech studies of agrammatic speakers of various inflectional languages, such as Dutch, English, German, Greek, and Turkish, time reference has been found to be a weak spot. However, more data are needed to see if the time reference problems are due to difficulties in inflecting the verbs, in referring to a certain time frame (e.g., past), or they are due to some other reasons not yet known.
It is interesting to investigate time reference in Standard Indonesian (SI) for three main reasons. First, time reference in SI is done in two ways, both of which are words or free standing morphemes, not bound like inflectional morphemes. The first way is through the syntactic aspectual adverbs (e.g., sudah, sedang, and akan) and the second by lexical adverbs of time (e.g., baru saja, sekarang). By investigating them, we tease apart the confound of time reference and inflection. Second, related to the first reason, by studying SI we can see if there is a central problem faced by agrammatic speakers when they need to refer to time. In other words, we want to know if the problem arises regardless of how time reference is done linguistically. The third, less related, but not less important reason, is the fact that SI has hardly been studied. Belonging to a different language family than other languages reported so far in aphasiological, neurolinguistic, or psycholinguistic literature and having a large number of speakers make SI a language that can contribute considerably to the field(s).
The work discussed here is a part of the cross-linguistic study on time reference in the Neurolinguistics group in Groningen. Apart from looking to time reference in SI, we also evaluated the test battery which is also used in more than fifteen languages. Thus, our results also informed this large scale study as to whether the test is valid to be used for investigating time reference in SI.
Chapter 1 gives background information about SI that is needed to understand the following chapters. Some theoretical accounts related to time reference in agrammatic aphasia were presented, two of which were chosen to be tested in the current project. Four general research questions were formulated at the end of this chapter.
Will the Standard Indonesian (SI) aspectual adverbs be difficult for the agrammatic speakers?

The weak syntax model predicts that they should be difficult because they are discourse-linked. Meanwhile, the PADILIH predicts that only the perfektif aspectual adverbs will be difficult.

Will the lexical adverbs be difficult for the agrammatic speakers? 

Classically, these adverbs have never been documented as impaired in the literature. However, the fact that they are used to refer to time and are discourse-linked predicts that they can be difficult for the SI agrammatic speakers.

Are the difficulties caused by these two kinds of adverbs similar or different? 

If they are different, are the differences related to the modality (spontaneous speech, comprehension, and production)?
 

Chapter 2 aims to characterize agrammatic speech in SI because there was no test or method to screen SI-speaking participants with agrammatic aphasia who could participate in our time reference studies. Based on some variables that have been widely published in the literature and some variables that are unique to Standard Indonesian, we concluded that SI agrammatic speech is characterized by short and syntactically simple sentences, slow speech rate, low proportion of particles in general and syntactic particles in particular, problems in realizing grammatical objects after accusative markers, possible problems with derivational affixes and reduplication, and no problems with verbal predicates and derived word order (passives). The participants of this study, who had agrammatic speech, participated in the time reference studies discussed in chapters 3, 4, and 5. 
In chapter 3, the study investigating the relationship between the diversity of verbal predicates (as measured by Type Token Ratio) and the aspectual adverbs produced with the verbal predicates is presented. When the performance of the agrammatic participants was compared among one another, the results showed a trade-off between the two variables. On the one hand, the agrammatic speakers who had higher Type Token Ratios produced aspectual adverbs less frequently.  On the other hand, the agrammatic participants who had lower Type Token Ratio produced aspectual adverbs more frequently. The agrammatic speakers who produced aspectual adverbs less frequently did not overuse lexical adverbs to compensate. Therefore, research question number 1 can be answered affirmatively (the SI aspectual adverbs are difficult) and there is a trade-off between the diversity of verbal predicates (as measured by Type Token Ratio) and the percentage of aspectual adverbs produced with the verbal predicates, without an overproduction of lexical adverbs of time to compensate the need to refer to time.
The dissertation continues to chapter 4 which presents the comprehension study. The non-brain-damaged (NBD) participants performed at ceiling in the TART comprehension test. The agrammatic participants performed significantly worse than the NBDs at the group level in both the aspectual adverbs and lexical adverbs of time tasks. At the individual level, five agrammatic participants scored significantly worse than the NBDs in both tasks. For the scores of the agrammatic participants, there was a strong correlation between the scores on both tasks. In other words, they were similarly impaired in understanding sentences containing aspectual adverbs and sentences containing lexical adverbs of time. At both levels and both tasks, no time frame was selectively impaired. We attributed this to the fact that in SI the use of the adverbs is optional and these adverbs are used when context does not provide enough time reference information. Therefore, all the adverbs are equally vulnerable in comprehension. Based on these results, we can answer research questions 1 and 2. In comprehension, the time reference problems affect both ways of referring to time and there was no statistically attested difference posed by the aspectual adverbs and lexical adverbs of time. 

The production study is presented in chapter 5. With this study, we wanted to answer all four questions, especially regarding the comparison with the results of the comprehension study. Here, the results showed that the agrammatic participants also had problems producing sentences containing aspectual adverbs and lexical adverbs of time. In production, there seemed to be a qualitative difference between the two kinds of adverbs that made the lexical adverbs more susceptible to be substituted by aspectual adverbs than the other way around. We suggested that this was because of the referentiality of the lexical adverbs of time which made the agrammatic participants integrate between linguistic level and context. The non-referentiality of the aspectual adverbs did not necessitate this integration. However, since the NBDs did not perform at ceiling, suggesting that the production test is not the optimal means for SI, we did not draw further conclusions.
Chapter 6 presents a comparison across the four studies discussed in the previous chapters. Five agrammatic participants participated in the three time reference studies and three of them were impaired in all those studies. This means that these five agrammatic participants showed the trade-off in chapter 3, but only 3 were impaired in comprehension and production. 
In chapter 7 the results were discussed in relation to the literature and some suggestions for adaptation of the two theories were suggested. 
There is a selective difficulty in referring to the past when time reference is obligatorily marked (e.g., in English, Dutch).
2. Referring to the past is not selectively difficult when time reference is optionally realized and is used to link the event to discourse.
3. In the case of optional time reference markers, the markers that need more integration with discourse level representations will be more impaired than the markers that require less of this, at least in production. 
This revision needs to be tested in other languages. In the interest to advance knowledge in aphasiology and to inform aphasia therapy, we believe our results encourage more research to be carried out in Standard Indonesian, other dialects of Indonesian, and other Austronesian languages.

A recipe for a well-done PhD project

2 spoonfuls of ignorance to small stuff (e.g., gossips among senior researchers about themselves), 4 cups of good day-to-day planning, and 100 ml of optimism. Mix them together well and add 3 spoonfuls of life outside the office and 200 ml of good daily communication with family. Bake the dough on medium-sized flame for at least three and a half years years.

Tips problem online appointment Kedutaan Belanda di Jakarta

Minggu ini kami mulai mengurus visa untuk mengunjungi Belanda bulan depan. Langkah pertama adalah membuat janji online untuk menyerahkan semua persyaratan. Sedihnya, kami mencoba 3 hari dan tidak berhasil. Tidak muncul kotak-kotak kecil berwarna hijau atau kuning untuk mendaftarkan diri kami. Yang muncul hanya warna merah. Usut punya usut, ternyata halaman tersebut tidak bisa terbuka sempurna dengan browser yang kami gunakan, google chrome. Ketika kami menggunakan mozilla firefox, kotak-kotak kecil berwarna hijau dan kuning muncul. Alhamdulillah, kami bisa mendaftarkan diri.

Blog ini saya buat sebagai informasi kepada khalayak. Staf di pintu masuk kedutaan Belanda tidak membantu, bahkan cenderung kaku. Saya pikir mereka tidak tahu bahwa halaman tersebut tidak compatible dengan beberapa browser, paling tidak google chrome. Mereka hanya mengatakan, dengan agak ketus, untuk mencoba lagi dan lagi, kalau perlu pada tengah malam. Kalau memang browsernya yang kurang cocok, dicoba terus rasanya hasilnya akan sama saja. Kapan bisa mulai mengurus visa kalau begitu???

Sudah dibuka: Konsultan kesulitan bahasa, Anugrah Gemilang

Dengan mengucapkan bismillahirrahmanirrahim, kami mengumumkan bahwa konsultan kesulitan bahasa Anugrah Gemilang sudah dibuka. Kami melayani berbagai kebutuhan dalam rangka membantu mengatasi seoptimal mungkin masalah bahasa yang dihadapi orang dewasa dan anak-anak. Informasi lebih lanjut dapat dilihat di akun multiply anugrahgemilangdepok.multiply.com. Kami berharap untuk melayani klien, keluarga klien, dokter, guru, terapis wicara, dan lain sebagainya untuk dapat memahami dan menatalaksana masalah bahasa yang dialami oleh masyarakat Indonesia. 

Abstrak artikel saya di jurnal Journal of English Language and Culture, Universitas Bunda Mulia, Jakarta (Maret, 2012)



The investigation reported in this article aims to point out how the lexical and sub-lexical route is employed in normal beginning reading in Bahasa Indonesia (Indonesian) and to identify reading performance that may suggest the occurrence of impaired reading in Bahasa Indonesia which is possibly displayed by the children with the lowest reading performance. Ten typically developing third-grade students participated in the study. Error patterns of the ten students are analysed for the error analysis and for the analysis on the relationship between psycholinguistic variables and reading performance. Five of those students were recorded during the reading part and the data were used in the latencies analysis.

The preliminary findings reported here seem to show that beginning reading in Bahasa Indonesia is characterised by the utilization of the sub-lexical route and more skilled reading by lexical route. The development of the lexical route depends on the development of the sub-lexical route which is influenced by the complexity of the Grapheme Phoneme Correspondence. The lexical route for words with simple graphemes are developed first, the lexical route for words with consonant clusters developed later, and the last to develop is the lexical route for words with digraphs. Furthermore, Late AoA, imageability, syllable number, and resemblance to words influence the lexical processing of the stimuli in the test. Impaired reading seems to be characterised by less developed sub-lexical route as evidenced by difficulties with words containing consonant clusters and digraphs and longer latencies for reading aloud words and pseudowords.

Dari Belanda menuju Nusantara

Sebelum lulus S3, saya sudah berencana untuk mencicil berkenalan dengan ahli linguistik dari Indonesia (Indonesianists) dan yang mempelajari Bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa-bahasa Austronesia. Alhamdulillah, langkah pertama sudah dilakukan tahun lalu dengan berpartisipasi dalam ISMIL (International Symposium on Malay/Indonesian Linguistics) di Malang. Tahun ini Insya Allah langkah kedua akan dilakukan dengan berpartisipasi dalam ICAL (International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics) di Bali. Semoga langkah-langkah ini dapat membantu saya untuk mengamalkan sedikit ilmu yang saya miliki untuk kebaikan masyarakat Indonesia.

Bantuan mengunduh paper/artikel jurnal

Teman-teman mahasiswa dan peneliti yang berminat pada studi neurolinguistik dan mengalami kesulitan mendapatkan paper/artikel bisa menghubungi saya. Saya akan berusaha mencari artikel yang dibutuhkan di koleksi pribadi saya atau di perpustakaan yang saya miliki aksesnya. Semoga bisa membantu. 

Kutipan dari buku Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge (1998, Edward O. Wilson, pp. 119-136)

119
I have spoken so far about the physical processes that produce the mind. Now, to come to the heart of the matter, what is the mind? Brain scientists understandably dance around this question. Wisely, they rarely commit themselves to a simple declarative definition. Most believe that the fundamental properties of the elements responsible for mind─neurons, neurotransmitters, and hormones─are reasonably well known. What is lacking is a sufficient grasp of the emergent, holistic properties of the neuron circuits, and of cognition, the way the circuits process information to create perception and knowledge. Although dispatches from the research front grow yearly in number and sophistication, it is hard to jugde how much we know in comparison with what we need to know in order to create a powerful and enduring theory of mind production by the brain. The grand synthesis could come quickly, or it could come with painful slowness over a period of decades.
            Still, the experts cannot resist speculation on the essential natureof mind. While it is very risky to speak of consesnsus, and while I have no great trust in my own biases as interpreter, I believe I have been able to piece together enough of their overlapping opinions to forecast a probable outline of the eventual theory, as follows.
            Mind is a stream of conscious and subconscious experience. It is at root the coded representation of sensory impresssions and the memory and imagination of sensory impressions. The .....
 120
Direction and magnitude. For example, a particular taste might be partly classified by the combined activity of nerve cells responding to different degrees of sweetness, saltiness, and sourness. If the brain were designed to distinguish ten increments in each of these taste dimensions, the coding could discriminate 10 × 10 × 10, or 1,000 substances.
            Consciousness consists of the parallel processing of vast numbers of such coding networks. Many are linked by the synchronized firing of the nerve cells at forty cycles per second, allowing the simultaneous internal mapping of multiple sensory impressions. Some of the impressions are real, fed by ongoing stimulation from outside the nervous system, while others are recalled from the memory banks of the cortex. All togrther they create scenarios that flow realistically back and forth through time. The scenarios are a virtual reality. They can either closely match pieces of the external world or depart indefinitely far from it. They re-create the past and cast up alternative futures that serve as choices for fiture thought and bodily action. The scenarios comprise dense and finely differentiated patterns in the brain circuits. When fully open to input from the outside, they correspond well to all the parts of the environment, including activity of the body parts, monitored by the sense organs.
            Who or what within the brain monitors all this activity? No one. Nothing. The scenarios are not seen by some other part of the brain. They just are. Consciousness is the virtual world composed by the scenarios. There is not even a Cartesian theater, to use Daniel Dennett’s dismissive phrase, nosingle locus of the brain where the scenarios are played out in coherent form. Instead, there are interlacing patterns of neural activity within and among particular sites throughout the forebrain, from cerebral cortex to other specialized centers of cognition such as the thalamus, amygdala, and hippocampus. There is no single stream of consciousness in which all information is brought together by an executive ego. There are instead multiple streams of activity, some of which contribute momentarily to conscious thought and then phase out. Consciousness is the massive coupled aggregates of such participating circuits. The mind is a self-organizing republic of scenarios that individually germinate, grow, evolve disappear and occasionally linger to spawn additional thought.
 121
            The neural circuits do not turn on and off like parts of an electrical grid. In many sectors of the forebrain at least, they are arranged in parallel relays stepping form one neuron level to the next, integrating more and more coded information with each step. The energy of light striking the retina, to expand the example I gave earlier, is transduced into patterns of neuron firing. The patterns are relayed through a sequence of intermediate neuron systems out of the retinal fields through the lateral geniculate nuclei of the thalamus back to the primary visual cortex at the rear of the brain. Cells inthe visual cortex fed by the integrated stimuli sum up the information from different parts of the retina. They recognize and by their own patternof firing specify spots or lines. Further systems of these higher-order cells integrate the information from multiple feeder cells to map the shape and movement of objects. In ways still not understood, this pattern is coupled with simultaneous input from other parts of the brain to create the full scenaarios of consciousness. The biologist S. J. Singer has drily expressed the matter thus: I link, therefore I am.
            Because just to generate consciousness requires an astronomically large population ofcells, the brain is sharply limited in its capacity to create and hold complex moving imagery. A key measure of that capacity lies in the distinction made by psychologists between short-term and long-term memory. Short-term memory is the ready state of the conscious mind. It composes all of the current and remembered parts of the virtual scenarios. It can handle only about seven words or other symbols simultaneously. The brain takes about one second to scan these symbols fully, and it forgets most of the information within thirty second. Long-term memory takes much longer to acquire, but it has an almost unlimited capacity, and a large fraction of it is retained for life. By spreading activation, the conscious mind summons information from the store of long-term memory and holds it for a brief interval in short-term memory. During this time it processes the information, at a rate of about one symbol per 25 milliseconds, while scenarios arising from the information compete for dominance.
            Long-term memory recalls specific events by drawing particular persons, objects, and actions into the conscious mind through a time sequence. For example, it easily re-creates an Olympic moment: the lighting of the torch, a running athlete, the cheering of the crowd. It
 122
form of linked concepts simultaneously experienced. Fire is connected to hot, red, dangerous, cooked, the passion of sex, and the creative act, and on out through multitudinous hypertext pathways selected by context, sometimes building new associations in memory for future recall. The concepts are the nodes or reference points in long-term memory. Many are labeled by words in ordinary language, but others are not. Recall of images from long-term banks with little or no linkage is just memory. Recall with linkages, and aspecially when tinged by the resonance of emotional circuits, is remembrance.
            The capacity for remembrance by the manipulation of symbols is a transcendent achievement for an organic machine. It has authored all of culture. But it still fals far short of the demands placed by the body on the nervous system. Hundreds of organs must be regulated continuously and precisely; any serious perturbation is followed by illness or death. A heart forgetful for ten seconds can drop you like a stone. The proper functioning of the organs is under the control of hard-wired autopilots in the brain and spinal cord, whose neuron circuits are our inheritance from hundreds of millions of years of vertebrate evolution prior to the origin of human consciousness. The autopilot circuits are shorter and simpler than those of the higher cerebral centers and only marginally comunicate with them. Only by intense meditative training can they occasionally be brought under conscious control.
            Under automatic control, and specifically through balance of the antagonistic elements of the autonomic nervous system, pupils of the eye constrict or dilate, saliva pours out or is contained, the stomach churns or quietens, the heart pounds or calms, and so on through alternative states in all the organs. The sympathetic nerves of the autonomic nervous system pump the body upfor action. They arise from the middle sections of the spinal cord, and typically regulate target organs by release of the neurotransmitter norepinephrine. The parasympathetic nerves relax the body as a whole while intensifying the processes of digestion. They rise form the brain stem and lower-most segment of the spinal cord, and the neurotransmitter they release to the target organs is acetylcholine─also the agent of sleep.
            Reflexes are swift automatic responses mediated by short circuits.....
 123
or collision. Imagine that you are surprised by a loud noise close by  a car horn blasts, someone shouts, a dog charges in a fury of barking. You react without thinking. Your eyes close, your head sags, your mouth opens, your knees buckle slightly. All are reactions that prepare you for the violent contact that might follow an instant later. The startle response occurs in a split second, faster than the conscious mind can follow, faster than can be imitated by conscious effort even with long practice.
Automatic responses, true to their primal role, are relatively impervious to the conscious will. This principle of archaism extends even to the facial expressions that communicate emotion. A spontaneous and genuine smile, which originates in the limbic system and is emotion-driven, is unmistakable to the practiced observer. A contrived smile is constructed from the conscious processes of the cerebrum and is betrayed by telltale nuances: a slightly different configuration of facial muscle contraction and a tendency toward lopsidedness of the upward curving mouth. A natural smile can be closely imitated by an experienced actor. It can also be evoked by artificially inducing the appropriate emotion ─ the basic technique of method acting. In ordinary usage it is modified deliberately in accordance with local culture, to convey irony (the pursed smile), restrained politeness (the thin smile), threat (the wolfish smile), and other refined presentations of self.
Much of the input to the brain does not come from the outside world but from internal body sensors that monitor the state of respiration, heartbeat, digestion, and other physiological activities. The flood of “gut feeling” that results is blended with rational thought, feeding it, and being fed by it through reflexes of internal organs and neurohormonal loops.
As the scenarios of consciousness fly by, driven by stimuli and drawing upon memories of prior scenarios, they are weighted and modified by emotion. What is emotion? It is the modification of neural activity that animates and focuses mental activity. It is created by physiological activity that selects certain streams of information over others, shifting the body and mind to higher or lower degrees of activity, agitating the circuits that create scenarios, and selecting ones that end in certain.........
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experience. Current experience and memory continually perturb the states of mind and body. By thought and action the states are then moved backward to the original condition or forward to conditions conceived in new scenarios. The dynamism of the process provokes labeling by words that denote the basic categories of emotion ─ anger, disgust, fear, pleasure, surprise. It breaks the categories into many degrees and joins them to create myriad subtle compounds. Thus we experience feelings that are variously weak, strong, mixed, and new.
            Without the stimulus and guidance of emotion, rational thought slows and disintegrates. The rational mind does not float above the irrational; it cannot free itself to engage in pure reason. There are pure theorems in mathematics but no pure thoughts that discover them. In the brain-in-the-vat fantasy of neurobiological theory and science fiction, the organ in its nutrient bath has been detached from the impediments of the body and liberated to explore the inner universe of the mind. But that is not what whould ensue in reality. All the evidence from the brain sciences points in the opposite direction, to a waiting coffin-bound hell of the wakened dead, where the remembered and imagined world decays until chaos mercifully grants oblivion.
            Consciousness satisfies emotion by the physical actions it selects in the midst of turbulent sensation. It is the specialized part of the mind that creates and sorts scenarios, the means by which the future is guessed and courses of action chosen. Consciousness is not a remote command center but part of the system, intimately wired to all the neural and hormonal circuits regulating physiology. Consciousness acts and reacts to achieve a dynamic steady state. It perturbs the body in precise ways with each changing circumstance, as required for well-being and response to opportunity, and helps return it to the original condition when challenge and opportunity have been met.
            The reciprocity of mind and body can be visualized in the following scenario, which I have adapted from an account by the neurologist Antonio R. Damaiso. Imagine that you are strolling along a deserted city street at night. Your reverie is interrupted by quick footsteps drawing close behind. Your brain focuses instantly and churns out alternative scenarios ─ ignore, freeze, turn and confront, or escape. The last scenario prevails and you act. You run toward a lighted store-
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conscious response triggers automatic changes in your physiology. The catecholamine hormones epinephrine (“adrenaline”) and norepinephrine pour into the bloodstream from the adrenal medulla and travel to all parts of the body, increasing the basal metabolic rate, breaking down glycogen in the liver and skeletal muscles to glucose for a quick energy feed. The heart races. The bronchioles of the lungs dilate to admit more air. Digestion slows. The bladder and colon prepare to void their contents, disencumbering the body to prepare for violent action and possible injury.
            A few seconds more pass. Time slows in the crisis: The event span seems like minutes. Signals arising from all the changes are relayed back to the brain by more nerve fibers and the rise of hormone titers in the bloodstream. As further seconds tick away, the body and brain shift together in precisely programmed ways. Emotional circuits of the limbic system kick in ─ the new scenarios flooding the mind are charged with fright, then anger that sharply focuses the attention of the cerebral cortex, closing out all other thought not relevant to immediate survival.
            The storefront is reached, the race won. People are inside, the pursuer is gone. Was the follower really in pursuit? No matter. The republic of bodily systems, informed by reassuring signals from the conscious brain, begins its slow stand-down to the original calm state.
            Damasio, in depicting the mind holistically in such episodes, has suggested the existence of two broad categories of emotion. The first, primary emotion, comprises the responses ordinarily called inborn or instinctive. Primary emotion requires little conscious activity beyond the recognition of certain elementary stimuli, the kind that students of instinctive behavior in animals call releasers ─ they are said to “release” the preprogrammed behavior. For human beings such stimuli include sexual enticement, loud noises, the sudden appearance of large shapes, the writhing movements of snakes or serpentine objects, and the particular configurations of pain associated with heart attacks or broken bones. The primary emotions have been passed down with little change from the vertebrate forebears of the human line. They are activated by circuits of the limbic system, among which the amygdala appears to be the master integrating and relay center.
            Secondary emotions arise from personalized events of life. To meet
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the limbic circuits of primary emotion, but only after the highest integrative processes of the cerebral cortex have been engaged. We must know who is friend or enemy, and why they are behaving a certain way. By this interpretation, the emperor’s rage and poet’s rapture are cultural elaborations retrofitted to the same machinery that drives the prehuman primates. Nature, Damasio observes, “with its tinkerish knack for economy, did not select independent mechanisms for expressing primary and secondary emotions. It simply allowed secondary emotions to be expressed by the same channel already prepared to convey primary emotions.”
            Ordinary words used to denote emotion and other processes of mental activity make only a crude fit to the models used by the brain scientists in their attempts at rigorous explanation. But the ordinary and conventional conceptions ─ what some philosophers call folk psychology ─ are necesarry if we are to make better sense of thousands of years of literate history, and thereby join the cultures of the past with those of the future. To that end I offer the following neuroscience-accented definitions of several of the most important concepts of mental activity.
            What we call meaning is the linkage among the neural networks created by the spreading excitation that enlarges imagery and engages emotion. The competitive selection among scenarios is what we call decision making. The outcome, in terms of the match of the winning scenario to instinctive or learned favorable states, sets the kind and intensity of subsequent emotion. The persistent form and intensity of emotions is called mood. The ability of the brain to generate novel scenarios and settle on the most effective among them is called creativity. The persistent production of scenarios lacking reality and survival value is called insanity.
            The explicit material constructions I have put upon mental life will be disputed by some brain scientists, and reckoned inadequate by others. That is the unavoidable fate of synthesis. In choosing certain hypotheses over others, I have tried to serve as an honest broker searching for the gravitational center of opinion, where by and large the supporting data are most persuasive and mutually consistent. To include all models and hypotheses deserving respect in this tumultuous discipline and then to clarify the distinctions among them.
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that in places I chose badly. For that eventually I apologize now to the slighted scientists, a concession I comfortably make, knowing that the recognition they deserve and will inevitably receive cannot be blunted by premature omission on the part of any one observer.

THE SUBJECT thus qualified, I will next describe the deeper problems that must be resolved before the physical basis of mind can be said to be truly solved. The one universally judged to be the most difficult of all is the nature of subjective experience. The Australian philosopher David Chalmers recently put the matter in perspective by contrasting the “easy problems” of general consciousness with the “hard problem” of subjective experience. In the first group (easy, I suppose, in the sense that Mont Blanc is more readily climbed in beachwear than Everest) are the classical problems of mind research: how the brain responds to sensory stimuli, how it incorporates information into patterns, and how it converts the patterns into words. Each of these steps of cognition are the subjects of vigorous contemporary research.
            The hard problems is more elusive: how physical processes in the brain addressed in the easy problems give rise to subjective feeling. What exactly does it mean when we say we experience a color such as red or blue? Or experience, in Chalmers’ words, “the ineffable sound of a distant oboe, the agony of an intense pain, the sparkle of happiness or the meditative quality of a moment lost in thought. All are part of what I am calling consciousness. It is these phenomena that compose the real mystery of the mind.”
            An imaginary experiment proposed by the philosopher Frank Jackson in 1983 illustrates the supposed unattainability of subjective thought by the natural sciences. Consider a neurobiologist two centuries hence who understands all the physics of color and all the brain’s circuitry giving rise to color vision. But the scientist (call her Mary) has never experienced color; she has been cloistered all her life in a black-and-white room. She does not know what it is like for another person to see red or blue; she cannot imagine how they feel about color. According to Jackson and Chalmers, it follows that there are qualities of conscious experience that cannot be deduced from

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            Although it is the nature of philosophers to imagine impasses and expatiate upon them at book length with schoolmasterish dedication, the hard problem is conceptually easy to solve. What material description might explain subjective experience? The answer must begin by conceding that Mary cannot know what it feels like to see color. The chromatic nuances of a westering sun are not hers to enjoy. And for the same reason she and all her fellow human beings a fortiori cannot know how a honeybee feels when it senses magnetism or what an electric field. We can translate the energies of magnetism and electricity into sight and sound, the sensory modalities we biologically possess. We can read the active neural circuits of bees and fish by scanning their sense organs and brains. But we cannot feels as they do ─ ever. Even the most imaginative and expert observers cannot think as animals, however they may wish or deceive themselves otherwise.
            But incapacity is not the point. The distinction that illuminates subjective experience lies elsewhere, in the respective roles of science and art. Science perceives who can feel blue and other sensations and who cannot feel them, and explains why that difference exists. Art in contrast transmits feelings among persons of the same capacity. In other words, science explains feeling, while art transmits it. The majority of human beings, unlike Mary, see a full color spectrum, and they feel its productions in reverberating pathways through the forebrain. The basic patterns are demonstrably similar across all color-sighted human beings. Variations exist, owing to remembrances that arise from the personal memories and cultural biases of different people. But in theory these variations can also be read in the patterns of their brain activity. The physical explanations derived from the patterns would be understandable to Mary the confined scientist. She might say, “Yes, that is the wavelength span classified by others as blue, and there is the pattern of neural activity by which it is recognized and narned.” The explanations would be equally clear to bee and fish scientists if their species could somehow be raised to human levels of intelligence.
            Art is the means by which people of similar cognition reach out to others in order to transmit feeling. But how can we know for sure that art communicates this way with accuracy, that people really, truly feel

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weight of our cumulative responses through the many media of art. We know it by detailed verbal descriptions of emotion, by critical analyses, and in fact through data from all the vast, nuanced, and interlocking armamentaria of the humanities. That vital role in the sharing of culture is what the humanities are all about. Nevertheless, fundamental new information will come from science by studying the dynamic patterns of the sensory and brain systems during episodes when commonly shared feelings are evoked and experienced through art.
            But surely, skeptics will say, that is impossible. Scientific fact and art can never be translated one into the other. Such a response is indeed the conventional wisdom. But I believe it is wrong. The crucial link exists: The common property of science and art is the transmission of information, and in one sense the respective modes of transmission in science and art can be made logically equivalent. Imagine the following experiment: A team of scholars ─ led perhaps by color-challenged Mary ─ has constructed and iconic language from the visual patterns of brain activity. The result resembles a stream of Chinese ideograms, each one representing an entity, process, or concept. The new writing ─ call it “mind script” ─ is translated into other languages. As the fluency of its readers increases, the mind script can be read directly by brain imaging.
            In the silent recesses of the mind, volunteer subjects recount episodes, summon adventure in dreams, recite poems, solve equations, recall melodies, and while they are doing this the fiery play of their neuronal circuity is made visible by the techniques of neurobiology. The observer reads the script unfolding not as ink on paper but as electric patterns in live tissue. At least some of the thinker’s subjective experience ─ his feeling ─ is transferred. The observer reflects, he laughs or weeps. And from his own mind patterns he is able to trans-

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            Accurate transmission of the mind script depends as much as conventional language does on the commonality of the users’ culture. When the overlap is slight, the script may be limited in use to a hundred characters; when extensive, the lexicon can expand to thousands. At its most efficient, the script transmits the tones and flourishes indigenous to particular cultures and individual minds.
            Mind script would resemble Chinese calligraphy, not only a medium employed for the communication of factual and conceptual information, but also one of the great art forms of Eastern civilization. The ideograms contain subtle variations with aesthetic and other subjective meanings of their own shared by writer and reader. Of this property the Sinologist Simon Leys has written, “The silk or paper used for calligraphy has an absorbent quality: the lightest touch of the brush, the slightest drop of ink, registers at once ─ irretrievably and indelibly. The brush acts like a seismograph of the mind, answering every pressure, every turn of the wrist. Like painting, Chinese calligraphy addresses the eye and is an art of space; like music, it unfolds in time; like dance, it develops a dynamic sequence of movements, pulsating in rhythm.”

AN OLD IMPASSE nonetheless remains: If the mind is bound by the laws of  physics, and if it can conceivably be read like calligraphy, how can there be free will? I do not mean free will in the trivial sense, the ability to choose one’s thoughts and behavior free of the will of others and the rest of the world all around. I mean, instead, freedom from the constraints imposed by the physiochemical states of one’s own body and mind. In the naturalistic view, free will in this deeper sense is the outcome of competition among the scenarios that compose the conscious mind. The dominant scenarios are those that rouse the emotion circuits and engage them to greatest effect during reverie. They energize and focus the mind as a whole and direct the body in particular courses of action. The self is the entity that seems to make such choices. But what is the self?
            The self is not an ineffable being living apart within the brain. Rather, it is the key dramatic character of the scenarios. It must exist, .........

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conscious actions. The self and body are therefore inseparably fused: The self, despite the illusion of its independence created in the scenarios, cannot exist apart from the body, and the body cannot survive for long without the self. So close its this union that it is almost impossible to envision souls in heaven and hell without at least the fantastical equivalent of corporeal existence. Even Christ, we have been instructed, and Mary soon afterward, ascended to heaven in bodies ─ supernal in quality, but bodies nonetheless. If the naturalistic view of mind is correct, as all the empirical evidence suggests, and if there is also such a thing as the soul, theology has a new Mystery to solve. The soul is immaterial, this Mystery goes, it exists apart from the mind, yet it cannot be separated from the body.
            The self, an actor in a perpetually changing drama, lacks full command of its own actions. It does not make decisions solely by conscious, purely rational choice. Much of the computation in decision making is unconscious ─ strings dancing the puppet ego. Circuits and determining molecular processes exist outside conscious thought. They consolidate certain memories and delete others, bias connections and analogies, and reinforce the neurohormonal loops that regulate subsequent emotional response. Before the curtain is drawn and the play unfolds, the stage has already been partly set and much of the script written.
            The hidden preparation of mental activity gives the illusion of free will. We make decisions for reasons we often sense only vaguely, and seldom if ever understand fully. Ignorance of this kind is conceived by the conscious mind as uncertainty to be resolved; hence freedom of choice is ensured. An omnicient mind with total commitment to pure reason and fixed goals would lack free will. Even the gods, who grant that freedom to men and show displeasure when they choose foolishly, avoid assuming such nightmarish power.
            Free will as a side product of illussion would seem to be free will enough to drive human progress and offer happiness. Shall we leave it at that? No, we cannot. The philosophers won’t let us. They will say: Suppose that with the aid of science we knew all the hidden processes in detail. Would it then be correct to claim that the mind of a particular individual is predictable, and therefore truly, fundamentally determined and lacking in free will? We must concede that much in

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interval of a microsecond the active networks composing the thought were known down to every neuron, molecule, and ion, their exact state in the next microsecond might be predicted. But to pursue this line of reasoning into the ordinary realm of conscious thought is futile in pragmatic terms, for this reason: If the operations of a brain are to be seized and mastered, they must also be altered. In addition, the principles of mathematical chaos hold. The body and brain comprise noisy legions of cells, shifting microscopically in discordant patterns that unaided consciousness cannot even begin to imagine. The cells are bombarded every instant by outside stimuli unknowable by human intelligence in advance. Any one of the events can entrain a cascade of microscopic episodes leading to new neural patterns. The computer needed to track the consequences would have to be of stupendous proportions, with operations conceivably far more complex than those of the thinking brain itself. Furthermore, scenarios of the mind are all but infinite in detail, their content evolving in accordance with the unique history and physiology of the individual. How are we to feed that into a computer?
            So there can be no simple determinism of human thought, at least not in obedience to causation in the way physical laws describe the motion of bodies and the atomic assembly of molecules. Because the individual mind cannot be fully known and predicted, the self can go on passionately believing in its own free will. And that is a fortunate circumstance. Confidence in free will is biologically adaptive. Without it the mind, imprisoned by fatalism, would slow and deteriorate. Thus in organismic time and space, in every operational sense that applies to the knowable self, the mind does have free will.
FINALLY, given that conscious experience is a physical and not a supernatural phenomenon, might it be possible to create an artificial human mind? I believe the answer to this philosophically troubling question to be yes in principle, but no in practice, at least not as a prospect for many decades or even centuries to come.
            Descartes, in first conceiving the question over three centuries ago declared artificial human intelligence to be impossible. Two

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machine from a real mind. It could never “modify its phrases to reply to the sense of whatever was said in its presence, as even the most stupid men can do,” and it could never “behave in all the occurrences of life as our reason makes us behave.” The test was recast in operational terms by the English mathematician Alan Turing in 1950. In the Turing test, as it is now generally called, a human interpreter is invited to ask any question of a hidden computer. All he is told is that either another person or a computer will answer. If, after a respectable period of time, the questioner is unable to tell whether the interlocutor is human or machine, he loses the game; and the mind of the machine is accorded human status. Mortimer Adler, the American philosopher and educator, proposed essentially the same criterion in order to challenge not just the feasibility of humanoids but also the entire philosophy of materialism. We cannot accept a thoroughly material basis for human existence, he said, until such an artificial being is created. Turing thought the humanoid could be built within a few years. Adler, a devout Christian, arrived at the same conclusion as Descartes: No such machine will ever be possible.
            Scientists, when told something is impossible, as a habit set out to do it. It is not, however, their purpose to search for the ultimate meaning of existence in their experiments. Their response to cosmic inquiry is most likely to be: “What you suggest is not a productive question.” Their occupation is instead exploration of the universe in concrete steps, one at a time. Their greatest reward is occasionally to reach the summit of some improbable peak and from there, like Keats’ Cortez at Darien, look in “wild surmise” upon the vastness beyond. In their ethos it is better to have begun a great journey than to have finished it, better to make a seminal discovery than to put the final touches on a theory.
            The scientific field of artificial intelligence, Al for short, was inaugurated in the 1950s hard upon the invention of the first electronic computers. It is defined by its practitioners as the study of computation needed for intelligent behavior and the attempt to duplicate that behavior using computers. A half century of work has yielded some impressive results. Programs are available that recognize objects and faces from a few select features and at different angles, drawing on rules of geometric symmetry in the manner of human cognition.

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classify novel objects on the basis of cumulative experience ─ much in the manner of the human mind.
            Some programs can scan and choose options for particular courses of action according to preselected goals. In 1996 Deep Blue, an advanced chess-playing computer, earned grand master status by narrowly losing a six-game match to Gary Kasparow, the reigning human world champion. Deep Blue works by brute force, using thirty-two microprocessors to examine two hundred million chess positions each second. It finally lost because it lacked Kasparov’s ability to assess an opponent’s weakness and plan long-term strategy based in part on deception. In 1997 a reprogrammed and improved Deep Blue narrowly defeated Kasparov: the first game to Kasparov, the second to Deep Blue, then three ties and the final game to Deep Blue.
            The search is on for quantum advances in the simulation of all domains of human thought. In evolutionary computation, AI programmers have incorporated an organismlike procedure in the evolution of design. They provide the computers with a range of options in solving problems, then let them select and modify the available procedures to be followed. By this means the machines have come to resemble bacteria and other simple one-celled organisms. A truly Darwinian twist can be added by placing elements in the machines that mutate at random to change the available procedures. The programs then compete to solve problems, such as gaining access to food and space. Which mutated programs will be born and which among the the neonates will succeed are not always predictable, so the “species” of machines as a whole can evolve in ways not anticipated by the human designer. It is within the reach of computer scientists to create mutable robots that travel about the laboratory, learn and classify real resources, and thwart other robots in attaining their goals. At this level their programs would be close to the instinctive repertories not of bacteria but of simple multicellular animals such as flatworms and snails. In fifty years the computer scientists ─ if successful ─ will have traversed the equivalent of hundreds of millions of years of organic evolution.
            But for all that advance, no AI enthusiast claims to have a road map from flatworm instinct to the human mind. How might such an immense gan be closed? There are two schools of thought. One, rep-


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Technology, takes a bottom-up approach. In this version, the designers would follow the Darwinian robot model to higher and higher levels, gaining new insights and elaborating technology along the way. It is possible that in time, humanoid capability might emerge. The other approach is top-down. Favored by Marvin Minsky, a founding father of AI and colleague of Brooks at MIT, it concentrates directly on the highest-order phenomena of lerarning and intelligence as they might be conceived and built into a machine without intervening evolitionary steps.
            In the teeth of all pessimistic assessments of human limitation likely to be raised, human genius is unpredictable and capable of stunning advances. In the near future a capacity for at least a crude simulation of the human mind might be attained, comprising a level of brain sciences sophisticated enough to understand the basic operations of the mind fully, with computer technology advanced enough to imitate it. We might make up one morning to find such a triumph announced in the New York Times, perhaps along with a generic cure for cancer or the discovery of living organisms on Mars. But I seriously doubt that any such event will ever occur, and I believe a great majority of AI experts are inclined to agree. There are two reasons, which can be called respectively the functional obstacle and the evolutionary osbtacle.
            The functional obstacle is the overwhelming complexity of inputs of information to and through the human mind. Rational thought emerges from continuous exchanges between body and brain through nerve discharges and blood-borne flow of hormones, influenced in turn by emotional controls that regulate mental set, attention, and the selection of goals. In order to duplicate the mind in a machine, it will not be nearly enough to perfect the brain sciences and AI technology, because the simulation pioneers must also invent and install an entirely new form of computation ─ artificial emotion, or AE.
            The second, or evolutionary, obstacle to the creation of a humanoid mind is the unique genetic history of the human species. Generic human nature ─ the psychic unity of mankind ─ is the product of millions of years of evolution in environments now mostly forgotten. Without detailed attention to the hereditary blueprint of human nature, the simulated mind might be awesome in power but
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            And even if the blueprint were known, and even if it could be followed, it would serve only as a beginning. To be human, the artificial mind must imitate that of an individual person, with its memory banks filled by a lifetime’s experience ─ visual, auditory, chemoreceptive, tactile, and kinesthetic, all freighted with nuances of emotion. And social: There must be intellectual and emotional exposure to countless human contacts. And with these memories, there must be meaning, the expansive connections made to each and every word and bit of sensory information given the programs. Without all these tasks completed, the artificial mind is fated to fail Turing’s test. Any human jury could tear away the pretense of the machine in minutes. Either that, or certifiably commit it to a psychiatric institution.